Belitong Island can be understood more profoundly through the conceptual framework of ethnobioregionalism, a hybrid approach that integrates the principles of bioregionalism and ethnoecology to simultaneously examine the relationships between humans, ecological space, and local epistemic structures. This approach is grounded in the idea that communities do not merely live in nature passively but live with and through it, forming intricate networks of knowledge, institutions, and symbolic meanings that are deeply rooted in the landscape. In other words, landscapes are not merely geospatial entities but geo-socio-ecological configurations in which language, cultural practices, ecological knowledge, and local political structures are woven into complex reciprocal relationships.
Within this ethnobioregional framework, Belitong Island is not simply framed as a tropical biophysical entity rich in granite, forests, rivers, and coasts. Instead, it is seen as a living bioregion with context-specific ecological classification systems and customary norms. Through language, mythology, rituals, and subsistence practices, local communities have developed embedded ecological knowledge systems that are internalized within their social, economic, and spiritual structures. This perspective aligns with the work of Fikret Berkes on Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), which emphasizes that TEK is not a static repository of information but a dynamic system continuously adapting to environmental changes.
In this context, the dukun kampong (village shaman) holds a critical epistemic position, not merely as a spiritual figure but as a bioregional knowledge keeper, interpreter, and distributor of local ecological wisdom. Through seasonal observation, ecological indicators (such as bird migrations, the blooming of certain flowers, or shifts in wind direction), and ritual practices, the dukun kampong functions as a “living archive” of environmental knowledge. This reflects what Tim Ingold calls the dwelling perspective: ecological knowledge is not only codified in texts or formal rules but lived and embodied in everyday practice.
The role of the dukun kampong in determining the timing for land clearing, planting, or holding collective rituals such as Maras Taun affirms the function of a local ecological calendar system, an empirically grounded temporal framework based on long-term environmental observation. According to Elinor Ostrom, such systems are essential components of effective commons governance, as they integrate temporal, ecological, and social dimensions simultaneously. The ecological calendar of Belitong communities does not simply record seasons and biological cycles; it also structures social relations, resource access rights, and customary authority.
Furthermore, customary spatial concepts such as kelekak (traditional fruit gardens) and hutan larangan (sacred protected forests) represent bioregional principles in contextually grounded forms. Kelekak functions not only as a local food production system but also creates a mosaic landscape, multi-species vegetation arrangements that enhance ecosystem resilience through biodiversity, water cycle stabilization, and increased carbon storage. Meanwhile, hutan larangan serves as a spiritually anchored ecological protection zone, where pamalian (customary taboos) act as endogenous regulatory mechanisms. This resonates with the concept of sacred natural sites in modern conservation, which are recognized as effective de facto ecological buffer zones safeguarding ecosystem integrity.
Rituals such as Maras Taun and Nirok Nanggok reveal the interconnectedness of belief systems, resource management, and social cohesion. Maras Taun functions as an ecological social contract, an annual ritual renewing the collective relationship between humans and the environment, reinforcing social solidarity, and reaffirming resource-use norms. Nirok Nanggok represents a temporal ecological zoning mechanism, in which the dukun kampong and dukun air (water shaman) regulate seasonal water use to prevent overexploitation. This parallels the framework of adaptive co-management, which emphasizes participatory resource governance grounded in local knowledge and adaptive mechanisms.
The regulatory function of pamalian illustrates how belief systems serve as environmental regulators. When violations are perceived to bring ecological and spiritual consequences, customary norms operate as powerful instruments of social control, internalizing compliance without bureaucratic enforcement. In social-ecological resilience discourse, this cultural dimension strengthens the adaptive capacity of socio-ecological systems by fostering internally legitimate monitoring and compliance networks.
The integration between customary systems and formal policy became more visible after the enactment of Regional Regulation of Belitung Regency Number 15 of 2000, which formally recognized the role of the dukun kampong in environmental stewardship. This created a model of polycentric governance, where resource management is not centralized within the state but functionally shared between customary institutions and government bodies. This model is considered more adaptive to local dynamics, as it bridges two epistemic systems: local knowledge and modern policy science.
In the field of environmental epistemology, TEK should not be positioned in opposition to modern science. As argued by Bina Agarwal in her work on community participation and Arturo Escobar in his theorization of pluriversality, integrating traditional ecological knowledge and modern science can produce pluriversal governance, a governance model that acknowledges multiple ways of knowing. In Belitong, for instance, the interpretation of natural signs by the dukun kampong can be combined with remote sensing data, soil moisture sensors, or climate modeling to develop a more context-sensitive environmental monitoring system.
Global challenges such as climate change, coastal erosion, and the expansion of extractive industries demand adaptive responses that cannot rely solely on top-down technocratic approaches. Ethnobioregionalism offers an alternative pathway: building ecological resilience through the strengthening of customary institutions, revitalization of local knowledge, and equal partnerships between communities and the state. This approach aligns with complex adaptive systems theory, which suggests that resilient socio-ecological systems can transform without losing their core functions.
As ecological pressures intensify, Belitong communities demonstrate an ability to adapt from within, by adjusting their ecological calendar, strengthening rituals, or reorganizing sacred spaces to reflect processes of endogenous adaptation. Unlike conventional conservation approaches that rely on external control, this model enhances resilience by reinforcing long-standing social and cultural foundations.
Thus, the ethnobioregional framework provides both theoretical and practical grounding for understanding and reinforcing the role of the dukun kampong. They are not merely spiritual actors but guardians of ecological systems, spatial planners, and bridges between local knowledge and formal policy. Belitong’s customary system embodies a synthesis of ethnoecology, bioregionalism, TEK, polycentric governance, and resilience thinking, making it a potential model for environmental management in tropical regions. In the long-term environmental policy context, Belitong can serve as a living laboratory for community-based conservation and climate adaptation practices, a tangible manifestation of epistemic integration between tradition and modernity, between the local and the global.
Corresponding Author: Arry Aditsya Yoga | Researcher in International Law, Ecopolitology, and Anthropology.